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II. WHY ARE OLDER AMERICANS WORKING MORE?
The Distribution of Retirement
Leisure
Kevin D. Neuman
University of Wisconsin—Stevens
Point
Daniel M. C. Lawson
Drew University
Abstract
Retirement age is often used as
a proxy for retirement leisure, but if retirement is correlated with mortality
this may be misleading. Using data from the Health and Retirement Study and
an ordered SUR Tobit model, we analyze the determinants of retirement and
death age to see who consumes retirement leisure. We find that men, Hispanics,
white collar workers, people in good health, and workers with defined contribution
pensions or high defined benefit accruals consume less retirement leisure.
We also find a variety of factors that significantly influence retirement
independently but do not affect retirement leisure, resulting in misleading
predictions.
Recent discussions concerning
public and private pension plans and their rules have turned the institution
of retirement into a highly contentious political and economic issue. One
of the primary controversies turns on the perceived lack of sustainability
of traditional defined benefit (DB) pension plans. An often-cited argument
against DB pensions is that individuals are retiring earlier and thus are
spending a greater amount of time in retirement leisure collecting benefits—too
much time from the point of view of those responsible for underfunded plans.
While earlier retirement is one event potentially leading to more retirement
leisure, what the argument ignores is that retirement leisure has two determinants
that may be correlated: retirement age and death age. Ignoring one side of
the retirement leisure determination may lead to misleading or even wholly
inaccurate conclusions about who is consuming retirement leisure.
For example, research has shown
that individuals who experience a major health shock retire earlier. If there
is a positive correlation between retirement and death ages, and those individuals
also die earlier, as could be expected, the earlier retirement ages may not
translate into increased consumption of retirement leisure. The individual
may even experience decreased retirement leisure if the mortality effect is
strong enough. The opposite would occur if retirement and death are negatively
correlated. If wealthier individuals retire earlier due to greater personal
resources but also die later—both results that could be expected from
existing research—an analysis based solely on retirement age would underestimate
the true consumption of retirement leisure. The correlation between the two
end points of retirement leisure leads to a flawed view of the retirement
leisure distribution and necessitates a complete analysis in order to accurately
guide retirement policy.
Background and Literature
Although the distribution of retirement
leisure has obvious implications for retirement policy, not to mention general
quality of life analyses, virtually no research has been done on the topic.
To the best of our knowledge the only study to explicitly examine the distribution
of some type of retirement leisure by Ghilarducci and Neuman (2004). The authors
examine early retirement leisure—leisure before the age of sixty-five—and
find that men and women without defined contribution (DC) pensions, with greater
personal assets, and in poor health consume more early retirement leisure.
In addition, the authors find that men with DB plans consume more early retirement
leisure and that marriage has a negative effect on early retirement leisure
for men and a positive effect for women. The study is noteworthy in that it
brings the topic of retirement leisure to the forefront of analysis and provides
some guidance about what factors may influence retirement leisure. However,
because the authors examine only early retirement leisure, the correlations
between retirement and mortality may not have had time to become evident,
meaning that most of the variation in early retirement leisure was likely
driven by retirement ages alone and may not be comparable to an analysis of
total retirement leisure.
Studies examining retirement and
mortality separately can also guide our analysis, however, because potentially
any factor influencing retirement or mortality independently could have an
impact on retirement leisure. In terms of retirement, significant effects
have been shown from various wealth measures such as housing value, financial
wealth, and pension value (Coile 2003; Dwyer and Mitchell 1999); pension accruals
(Chan and Stevens 2004; Coile 2003; Dwyer and Mitchell 1999; Kerkhofs, Lindeboom,
and Theeuwes 1999); and various health measures such as self-reports of health
status, individual chronic condition reports from physicians, and measures
of functional ability (Dwyer and Mitchell 1999; Kerkhofs et al. 1999). For
mortality significant effects have been documented from basic demographic
characteristics such as age, sex, race, education, and smoking behavior (Bond,
Krueger, Rogers, and Hummer 2003; Hurd, McFadden, and Merrill 1999); income
and wealth (Bond et al. 2003; Hurd et al. 1999; Snyder and Evans 2002); both
self-reported and objective measures of health (Hurd et al. 1999; Idler and
Benyamini 1997; Mossey and Shapiro 1982); and subjective life expectancy (Hurd
and McGarry 1997; Hurd et al. 1999).
Model and Data
While the task of estimating the
distribution of retirement leisure seems straightforward, a variety of statistical
complications arise when it is actually attempted. Using observed retirement
leisure does not take advantage of information in cases where the individual
has not yet retired or died. Even worse, using only those individuals who
have observed retirement and death ages limits the sample to the least healthy
portion of the population that has actually died by the time of observation,
likely biasing the conclusions. Using two separate Tobit equations also does
not lead to accurate results if the error terms of the retirement and death
age equations are correlated as we postulate. Finally, while it is possible
to retire before dying, it is difficult to retire after dying. This natural
ordering of the two events in question precludes use of a nested Tobit or
a standard Seemingly Unrelated Regression (SUR) Tobit. To accommodate all
of these statistical issues we develop and estimate an ordered SUR Tobit model,
which takes advantage of all information available and accurately identifies
consumption of retirement leisure.
We apply our model to a sample
from the Health and Retirement Study (HRS), a longitudinal data set conducted
biannually from 1992 to 2004. The HRS collects detailed data on demographic,
financial, health, and labor force characteristics, making it an ideal data
set for our analysis. We select our sample from a subset of the HRS born between
the years of 1931 and 1935 and that were interviewed in the initial wave of
the survey in 1992. By limiting our sample to those individuals who worked
ten or more years in their lifetimes and to those individuals without missing
values, we end up with a final sample of 3,367 men and women. We present the
means and standard errors for our included variables in Table 1.
Results
We present the results from the
ordered SUR model in Table 2. The coefficients and standard errors from the
retirement age equation of the model are presented in the first two columns
of Table 2, while the same information from the death age equation is presented
in columns three and four. The final column presents the combined effect of
the two determinants

on retirement leisure and is calculated
by adding the negative of the retirement age coefficient (early retirement
implies more retirement leisure) to the death age coefficient.
Although the primary contribution
of the ordered SUR Tobit model is the joint retirement leisure estimation
in column five, the individual equation results in columns one and three are
comparable to existing research and can provide support for the validity of
the model. Overall we find that our individual equation results match our
expectations from prior research. Outside of demographic information, those
in worse health retire significantly earlier as evidenced by a variety of
different measures, as do individuals with greater personal wealth and who
have lower DB pension accrual rates. There are not as many significant results
for our mortality equation, but once again the coefficients match expectations,
as women live over a year longer and those with various chronic health conditions
such as cancer or diabetes die earlier. The individuals in our sample appear
to behave similarly to those in other studies, and thus our analysis should
be able to uncover common, potentially misleading retirement leisure predictions.
Examining retirement leisure jointly,
we do find a number of factors that significantly affect the quantity of retirement
leisure consumed. Being a woman leads to greater retirement leisure consumption
both due to significantly earlier retirement and later death. While examining
only retirement age does correctly identify that women consume significantly
more retirement leisure, the magnitude is greatly underestimated by not adding
the effect of later mortality. We find a number of other significant coefficients
that also would have been correctly identified by examining only one side
of the retirement leisure determination. These variables are significant in
only one of the two equations, with the significant coefficient driving a
significant joint effect as well. Individuals who are Hispanic, in good health,
or have a DC pension consume over a year less retirement leisure due to later
retirement ages with no offsetting effect from mortality. Particularly interesting
is the result from the good health rating, as this variable induces later
retirement without the expected boost in mortality. Arguments for raising
retirement ages based on the fact that individuals are healthier at older
ages and thus will live longer may not be valid and may result in decreasing
the wellbeing of this group of retirees. Greater accrual rates from additional
work and lesser DB value from prior jobs also significantly reduce retirement
leisure by delaying retirement, but the effects are quite small. Having a
stroke leads to over two and a half years more retirement leisure caused primarily
by early retirement. While the early retirement behavior is expected given
that less healthy people retire earlier, the fact that having a stroke does
not affect mortality is somewhat unexpected.
One variable that deserves particular
attention is the self-reported probability of living to age seventy-five relative
to the life table probability con ditioned on age and sex. A value of one
for the variable implies that the individual is as optimistic about living
to age seventy-five as the life tables suggest he/she should be, while a value
less/greater than one implies that the individual is less/more optimistic
about living to age seventy-five than average. We include the life expectancy
variable along with its square to test what Ghilarducci and Neuman (2004)
term the "compensation hypothesis": that individuals may attempt to compensate
for lower than average expected retirement leisure consumption due to low
life expectancy by retiring earlier. The results do not support the compensation
hypothesis because those individuals with average relative life expectancy
consume over ten months less retirement leisure due primarily to later retirement.
At low levels of relative life expectancy, individuals still consume over
nine months less leisure due once again to primarily later retirement and
not earlier death. If compensating for less expected retirement leisure is
even a goal, individuals do not seem to be able to do so effectively.
The above results are interesting
from the perspective of pension and quality of life research, but from an
estimation strategy the results are somewhat unsurprising. Retiring significantly
earlier and dying significantly later should lead to joint significance, while
joint significance resulting from one significant individual coefficient essentially
supports the argument for looking at only one determinant at a time. What
is more interesting are those results that would be missed if only one side
of the retirement leisure determination is examined. For example, individuals
whose longest tenure position is in a low-skill, white collar occupation consume
a year less retirement leisure than their counterparts in low-skill, blue
collar occupations, even though neither of the individual equation coefficients
is significant at the 5 percent level. Failing to take the correlation between
the two events into consideration would completely miss the significant effect.
Some of the jointly insignificant
coefficients deserve special attention as well. Individuals with arthritis
both retire and die significantly earlier, with the joint effect for arthritic
individuals being insignificant. Similarly, individuals with psychiatric problems
and more financial wealth retire significantly earlier with no effect on mortality,
but they do not consume significantly different amounts of retirement leisure.
On the other hand, individuals with cancer, diabetes, or mobility problems
die significantly earlier with no effect on retirement age, but they do not
consume significantly less retirement leisure. Not only would the true net
effect on leisure be missed in these situations, but the results from examining
only one equation would lead to misleading results and badly designed public
policy. Examining only the effect


on retirement age would suggest
that those individuals with arthritis, psychiatric problems, or more financial
wealth consumed more retirement leisure and thus would not be made worse off
than the average individual by policies delaying their retirement. However,
knowing that the net effect on retirement leisure is zero shows that delaying
retirement for these groups would unambiguously make them worse off by reducing
their retirement leisure consumption to below average levels.
Implications for Pension Policy
A common argument for delaying
retirement ages is that people are retiring earlier and are thus consuming
more retirement leisure. If this assumption is true, taking away retirement
leisure from groups who are consuming above average levels of leisure already
may be a socially less costly way to alleviate funding problems for DB pension
plans. However, correlations between retirement and death age determinants
lead to flawed conclusions from analyses based on only one determinant of
retirement leisure. We find that a variety of factors significantly influence
retirement leisure without affecting retirement individually, and a variety
of factors have no effect on retirement leisure despite influencing retirement
ages. Based on our analysis we find that policies designed to raise retirement
ages will adversely affect those individuals who already consume less retirement
leisure, namely men, Hispanics, low-skill white collar workers, people in
good health, and DC pension holders, to name a few. More importantly, policies
delaying retirement will also harm those who appear to be consuming more retirement
leisure due to earlier retirements but in actuality are not. Primarily among
this group are those with various health conditions such as arthritis and
psychiatric problems, as well as those with high levels of financial wealth.
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